By Madeleine Thien
In 1988, at the age of twenty-eight, Tsitsi Dangarembga published her first novel, Nervous Conditions
.
 Immediately acclaimed by Alice Walker and Doris Lessing, the book has 
come to be considered one of Africa’s most important novels of the 
twentieth century. Lessing wrote: “This is the novel we have all been 
waiting for . . . it will become a classic.” Set in Rhodesia in the 
1960s, almost twenty years before Zimbabwe won independence and ended 
white minority rule, the novel’s heroine, Tambudzai Sigauke, embarks on 
her education. On her shoulders rest the economic hopes of her parents, 
siblings, and extended family, and within her burns the desire for 
“personhood,” to no longer be part of such an “undistinguished 
humanity.” Nervous Conditions 
borrows its title from Jean-Paul Sartre’s introduction to Frantz Fanon’s The Wretched of the Earth
,
 in which Sartre evokes the “disassociated self” created by colonialism:
 “Our enemy betrays his brothers and becomes our accomplice; his 
brothers do the same thing. The status of ‘native’ is a nervous 
condition introduced and maintained by the settler among colonized 
people with their consent
.”
Nervous Conditions 
was the first book in what would become a 
trilogy. However, eighteen years would pass before Dangarembga published
 her second novel, The Book of Not
. With its searing 
observations, devastating exploration of the state of “not being,” 
wicked humour, and astonishing immersion into the mind of a young woman 
growing up and growing old before her time, the novel is a masterpiece. 
Dangarembga is almost alone in mining the psychological “nervous 
condition” in African women and the relationship between this troubled 
inner landscape and the current crisis in contemporary Zimbabwe. In the 
last decades, she has chosen film as her medium and founded the 
International Images Film Festival for Women in Zimbabwe, which is now 
in its twelfth year. In 2006, the Independent 
named Dangarembga one of the fifty greatest artists shaping the African continent. Last year, she completed the final book, Chronicle of an Indomitable Daughter
, which will be published in Zimbabwe in 2013.
I first met Tsitsi Dangarembga in Nigeria in 2010, where we taught a
 workshop organized by Helon Habila. Habila had never met Dangarembga 
before, but he told me that his experience of reading Nervous Conditions 
decades
 ago had marked and changed him. When I met Tsitsi, Zimbabwe was moving 
forward from a disastrous 2008 election that saw the opposition Movement
 for Democratic Change pull out of the second round of the presidential 
vote in the wake of widespread and horrific violence. At the same time, 
the economy had collapsed: between 2007 and 2008, the rate of inflation 
was seven sextillion percent. As much of the world knows, a 
power-sharing agreement was reached between Robert Mugabe and Morgan 
Tsvangirai in 2008, and Zimbabwe retreated from the news headlines. In 
the fall of 2012, Tsitsi invited me to come and teach in Harare. She 
envisioned a workshop called Breaking the Silence, which would gather 
testimonies from across Zimbabwe on political and domestic violence. 
These testimonies, which could be submitted anonymously, would form the 
basis of our reading material. Any Zimbabwean interested in writing 
could come into the workshop, read the collected testimonies, and, 
informed by these stories (more than one hundred were collected), write 
fiction. Tsitsi asked these writers to think not only about the victims 
but also about the lives and histories of the perpetrators. She also 
asked each of us to consider our own acts of violence or aggression, 
including instances when we used our authority or status for purposes of
 intimidation or personal gain. She wanted writers to claim these 
stories, wrestle with and interrogate them, and, finally, bring them 
back to the communities from which they came. As someone from outside, I
 did not know if what Tsitsi imagined was possible; I must admit, I was 
stunned and moved to find that it was.
We had this conversation in early December 2012, on the balcony of 
Tsitsi’s home in Harare, at sunset, just before I caught my flight home.
Thien: I wanted to ask you about the few years you spent 
overseas in the 1960s, when you were a child. Outside of Rhodesia and 
white minority rule, what was it like?
Dangarembga: In England?
Thien: Yes. I’m wondering about your first experience of race.
Dangarembga: The racism in England was not so 
institutionalized. Well, it was institutionalized, but then it was so 
efficiently realized that it didn’t need institutions, if you understand
 what I mean. In England, it was much easier 
notto be affected by it to that extent because my parents were students and people were somewhat respectful.
Thien: And you were six when you returned to Rhodesia.
Dangarembga: Coming back here . . . you know, it was such a 
shock. Everywhere we’d been before, my parents were so well respected. 
But in Rhodesia, the fact that we were black meant that once we walked 
into that society, all of that meant nothing. It was really a blow.
You might actually say that white people in this part of the world were
 so insecure, I suppose about having so many black people around, that 
they had to make their institutions into very obvious apartheid 
structures. But the whole internalized attitude, that’s been going on 
for centuries, these are attitudes that we have.
It was very interesting for me to have a character like Tambudzai, who 
understands the lack of respect because of poverty but not because of 
blackness. When she is taken into her uncle’s house, she feels 
everything is now okay because the poverty factor is no longer 
effective. Then she moves into the school [the elite Young Ladies’ 
College of the Sacred Heart, a convent school attended by mostly white 
students], where she’s doing everything as well as everyone else. The 
only issue is her blackness. She has an experience, a different kind of 
movement, into that position. Because if you have always been aware of 
racism, I think that you develop ways of dealing with it. I think it was
 Ama Ata Aidoo who said she didn’t even know there was such a thing as 
racism until she came to Germany. That’s where she learned she was 
black. So it was a bit the same for Tambudzai. She knew she was poor, 
and she knew she was uneducated because she could see the poverty of her
 home and she could see the differences with her relatives who were 
educated. But then she had to learn that she was black.
Thien: Yet 
Nervous Conditions begins as a very 
hopeful book. Does this hope come because she sees her freedom in 
relatively straightforward terms, that education will equal 
emancipation?
Dangarembga: Tambudzai starts off as a typical gifted child. 
She achieves a lot through her own initiative, and she sees the world as
 an arena in which she can act and succeed, no matter what comes. In a 
childish way, she thinks of herself as a kind of superwoman, but she 
cannot succeed on those terms because there never has been such a 
person, there has never been a superman or a superwoman. Sometimes what 
one perceives as freedom binds you more tightly.
There was so much invested during the Rhodesian era in educating 
Africans only up to a certain level and for certain tasks. An illusion 
had to be created, however, that there was some sort of mobility and 
fairness in the system. People like Tambudzai were swept up in that 
illusion. She had to find her own painful way out of it.
Thien: At the beginning, she also looks for freedom through selfhood, and the concept of 
unhu. The traditional greeting is “How are you?” “I am well if you are well too.” Can you describe 
unhu?
Dangarembga: This is a very interesting concept. In South Africa, 
ubuntu is
 exactly the same kind of philosophy, which is “I am because you are” or
 “I am because we are.” This is the kind of philosophy that used to bind
 villages and communities together until other forces interrupted those 
communities. So now I feel that this idea of “I am because you 
are”—meaning there is no great difference between you and me, so if you 
need something I can give it to you because I know you’re just like me, 
and when I need it you will also give it to me—has been disconnected 
from its material, physical base because of the way the world has 
progressed. Yet people retain the psychological emotion of it. So here 
we have a whole nation of Zimbabweans thinking we’re so wonderful 
because we have this 
unhu. We believe in “I am because we are,”
 and certainly, symbolically, we know that’s part of our framework and 
our reference, but on the ground it’s not happening anymore because all 
the conditions have changed and do not support that notion. And so this 
is why there is so much questioning in that book. Is this really the 
unhu that
 I believe in, that I came from? People are not behaving in that way 
anymore. Tambudzai does not resolve it for herself, but I think that 
there is a kind of a metanarrative there that shows the complexities, 
that actually the society has moved away from 
unhu even if they think they haven’t.
Thien: I was fascinated by the idea that personhood, or wholeness, requires reciprocity. But 
unhu was completely incompatible with the Rhodesian political structure, wasn’t it?
Dangarembga: Absolutely, I would say so. But I would not only 
say that it’s not reciprocated. For sure, when you come out of the 
confines of a society that had 
unhu, you kind of expect to find
 it elsewhere, which was baffling to Tambudzai in the beginning. But 
also, once you’ve gone outside and you’ve come back, the question is, do
 you also experience that from your own people? Or will they now see you
 as somebody outside the whole 
unhu construct? I feel that she 
has become an outsider, especially with her mother. You know, the mother
 should have been really happy for her daughter, and then that relation 
would have been reciprocal. But then Tambudzai is denied the comforts of
 home, and the mother is also denied the benefits of associating with a 
daughter who has some education and some access to the exterior world. 
Even if the construct doesn’t transfer outside, does it persist when the
 person comes back? If not, then the person coming back also becomes 
part of the fragmentation, as we see in the third book.
Thien: In the end, the pragmatic ones who accept the status 
quo, which is white rule, seem to flourish. Halfway through the trilogy,
 Tambu has refused to accept society as it is, and she nearly loses 
herself. Why?
Dangarembga: When I write, I try not to put messages in but to
 say, Are we here or are we there? You’ll find people who are willing to
 accept what happens at the advertising agency, thinking, Well okay, the
 money I’m getting is better than sweeping floors somewhere. So they 
protect their position. And then there are the type of people who will 
talk about it at parties or when they’re with their friends and just 
shake their heads and laugh. But can that be said to be emancipation? 
It’s this internalization of your own inferiority that Tambudzai has to 
struggle against. The question becomes, Do you identify with the sector 
of society that has money and business opportunities? That’s what people
 aspired to before. Or do you identify with other women like yourself? 
Where do you place yourself?
I realize that creative women often do not fit easily into certain 
paradigms. I think to myself, Then where do they go? Where do they go? 
Because I feel that these women have so much to contribute, that they 
just see things in a different way. Every society has people like that 
and marginalizes them in some way. So it’s a very difficult situation.
Thien: Can I detour here and ask how you left medicine? You 
were at Cambridge and you came home and went in an entirely different 
direction.
Dangarembga: I’d been studying psychology at the University of
 Zimbabwe, and I became involved in the drama club there and did a 
couple films. I started writing seriously, plays and prose, and I just 
felt that was really my niche. I was studying industrial psychology at 
the time I was seriously writing, but I realized it was going to be a 
struggle to make a living out of writing. So I thought, Okay, what other
 things can I do that are still within narrative and dealing with 
powerful subjects and putting ideas out there? I began to see the 
usefulness of film in a country like Zimbabwe. We boast about an 80 
percent literacy rate. But if even you’re literate, which means you can 
fill in a form, it doesn’t mean you can read a piece of literature and 
understand what’s going on. So it seemed to me that film was also a very
 important medium for telling the stories that I felt needed to be told.
Thien: But why turn to film at the moment when you had such enormous international success with 
Nervous Conditions?
Dangarembga: Oh, 
Nervous Conditions was not so 
successful in the beginning. I finished it in 1984 and tried to have it 
published here, but most of the publishing houses at that time had young
 black men who had been outside the country writing and then came back 
and became the editors. When I submitted 
Nervous Conditions they would never give it respect. I realized they would never engage with a voice like mine.
Thien: Really?
Dangarembga: Yes, it took me four years.
Thien: So it was published outside first, in 1988?
Dangarembga: Yes, the Women’s Press. I actually didn’t know it
 was going to be published. So I thought, Let me try to do something 
different.
Thien: Were you already in film school in Berlin?
Dangarembga: I’d applied and been accepted. So when I got that
 letter I thought, I’m not going to lose this chance. I’m going to take 
it. Then what happened is that there was this huge conflict between the 
amount of work I was doing in film and in prose. But I just had to do 
the work together.
Thien: What was the conflict?
Dangarembga: They were just completely different. The skills I
 had learned for prose didn’t work in film. Those telling details, 
they’re completely different. Or the fact of these inner monologues in 
which you can write a whole book. Whereas prose is teasing out, film is 
stripping down, concentrating and compacting. I found I could not learn 
the one while doing the other.So it was a big struggle, actually. It 
took me years.
Thien: So 
The Book of Not was put aside.
Dangarembga: Yes, because I found I couldn’t do the two. Now 
that I feel I’m proficient in both, it seems to be working. But at the 
time, I really felt that I could not write 
The Book of Not while I was learning how to speak in film language.
Thien: Seventeen years, though! How could you keep Tambudzai quiet?
Dangarembga: Oh, my goodness! She was hopping mad. But you know, the point is, about the war and the racism, 
Nervous Conditionsends
 just as the war intensifies, 1977. So it was a very difficult thing to 
want to allow Tambudzai to talk. Because what she had to say is what 
happens in 
The Book of Not, and it wasn’t something that I 
thought at that time would be useful. I thought that with the kinds of 
divisions we had, it might be more inflammatory than anything else. The 
war might have brought us a little nearer to where we think we want to 
be as a people, but what did it consist of? It consisted of lies, forced
 abductions, horrible brutality on both sides, and treachery even within
 families. Afterwards it was just, Let’s forget, that’s all behind us. 
We had slogans like “This is the year of the people’s transformation.” I
 was young. I believed it.
So I think it was actually quite good for me to have something else to 
do at the time. It was only when other conflicts began again at the end 
of the 1990s that I thought, Tambu has this story to tell that is 
actually appropriate for what’s happening.
 
Thien: In what way was it appropriate?
Dangarembga: Because at the end of the 1990s, the whole land 
issue came up in Zimbabwe. We were looking at about 80 percent of the 
land being owned by about 20 percent of the population, which brought 
back the issues of racism, imbalance, and inequality. Zimbabwe had 
simply pretended 1890 to 1980 hadn’t happened, and many people had gone 
on with the same prejudices as before. It all came up again. And that’s 
exactly what Tambudzai was experiencing after 
Nervous Conditions.
 What resurfaced in the 1990s was in accordance with what she went 
through. And so, at that time when the villagers were assembling and 
organizing themselves into battalions that were going out into farms, I 
felt it was appropriate to look at those issues of race and who owns 
what and who has the power to bequeath what to whom in a fairly 
innocuous story of a young girl at school. You know, a kind of, “If you 
have ears to hear, then you will hear.”
Thien: Tambudzai has so much anger but not against the system 
itself. It all goes inward. Do you think it’s her own personhood that 
disturbs her most?
Dangarembga: You know, this idea of the happy African is 
something I really wanted to interrogate. Because if someone smiles at 
you it does not mean they’re happy. It just means “I think that if I 
smile I might get out of this alive!” And so I wanted to look into this 
notion of the happy African. Who is this person you are saying is the 
happy African? Is this person really happy? And if this person is not 
happy, then what is likely to be happening in this person’s life? Is 
this smiling, this being so complicit with the system, going to benefit 
society in the long run? And, of course, from my perspective as the 
writer, I thought not. But it was also important for me not to write an 
obvious kind of situation where black people are angry with white people
 because that doesn’t get us anywhere either. It was much more important
 for me to try to show to people what is happening to individuals within
 a certain system, and to hope that, after hearing this, people will 
understand, and maybe their conscience will become a little more open to
 things they were not open to before.
Courtesy of Brickmag